utional monarchy. Since the Revolution, he has
continued to reside in Switzerland. He has published numerous works on
philosophical and social questions, among which may be instanced:
_Esclavage et Traite; De l'Affranchissement des Esclaves; Interets
generaux du Protestantisme Francais, Paganismet Christianisme, Des
tables tournantes, du surnaturel en general, et des esprits_, etc.

His present work, so hopeful and sympathizing, recommends itself to the
attention of the American public; and even those who may dissent from
some of his positions or conclusions, cannot but admire his vigorous
comprehension of the outlines of the subject, and be cheered by his
predictions of the future. As the expression of the opinion of an
intelligent, clear-sighted European, in a position to comprehend men and
things, concerning the storm which is now agitating the whole country,
it can scarcely fail of a hearty welcome. I commend the following
interpretation, which I have sought to make as conscientiously literal
as due regard to idioms of language would permit, to all true lovers of
liberty and of the Union, of whatever State, section, or nation.

MARY L. BOOTH.

NEW YORK, _June_ 15, 1861.

* * * * *

PREFACE.

In publishing this study at the present time, I expose myself to the
blame of prudent men. I shall be told that I ought to have waited.

To have waited for what? Until there shall be no more great questions in
Europe to dispute our attention with the American question? Or until the
American question has shaped itself, and we are able to know clearly
what interests it will serve, in what consequences it will end?

I am not sorry, I confess, to applaud duty before it is recommended by
success. When success shall have come, men eager to celebrate it will
not be wanting, and I shall leave to them the care of demonstrating then
that the North has been in the right, that it has saved the United
States.

To construct the philosophy of events after they have passed is very
interesting, without doubt, but the work to be accomplished to-day is
far more serious. The point in question is to sustain our friends when
they are in need of us; when their battle, far from being won, is
scarcely begun; the point in question is to give our support--the very
considerable support of European opinion--at the time when it can be of
service; the point in question is to assume our small share of
respons