vious
fitness, in point of character and intellect, to become the centre of
an ecclesiastical movement, if such a movement were to depend on the
action of a party. His delicate health, his premature death, would
have frustrated the expectation, even though the new school of
opinion had been more exactly thrown into the shape of a party, than
in fact was the case. But he zealously backed up the first efforts of
those who were principals in it; and, when he went abroad to die,
in 1838, he allowed me the solace of expressing my feelings of
attachment and gratitude to him by addressing him, in the dedication
of a volume of my Sermons, as the man, "who, when hearts were
failing, bade us stir up the gift that was in us, and betake
ourselves to our true Mother."

But there were other reasons, besides Mr. Rose's state of health,
which hindered those who so much admired him from availing themselves
of his close co-operation in the coming fight. United as both he and
they were in the general scope of the Movement, they were in
discordance with each other from the first in their estimate of the
means to be adopted for attaining it. Mr. Rose had a position in the
church, a name, and serious responsibilities; he had direct
ecclesiastical superiors; he had intimate relations with his own
university, and a large clerical connection through the country.
Froude and I were nobodies; with no characters to lose, and no
antecedents to fetter us. Rose could not go ahead across country, as
Froude had no scruples in doing. Froude was a bold rider, as on
horseback, so also in his speculations. After a long conversation
with him on the logical bearing of his principles, Mr. Rose said
of him with quiet humour, that "he did not seem to be afraid of
inferences." It was simply the truth; Froude had that strong hold of
first principles, and that keen perception of their value, that he
was comparatively indifferent to the revolutionary action which would
attend on their application to a given state of things; whereas in
the thoughts of Rose, as a practical man, existing facts had the
precedence of every other idea, and the chief test of the soundness
of a line of policy lay in the consideration whether it would work.
This was one of the first questions, which, as it seemed to me, ever
occurred to his mind. With Froude, Erastianism--that is, the union
(so he viewed it) of church and state--was the parent, or if not the
parent, the serviceable and suf