erministic economic theory of the Bolsheviks, no other policy was
to be expected from them. Other men might have been excused for not
foreseeing the attitude of Churchill, Clemenceau and Millerand; but
Marxians could not be excused, since this attitude was in exact accord
with their own formula.

We have seen the symptoms of Bolshevik failure; I come now to the
question of its profounder causes.

Everything that is worst in Russia we found traceable to the collapse
of industry. Why has industry collapsed so utterly? And would it
collapse equally if a Communist revolution were to occur in a Western
country?

Russian industry was never highly developed, and depended always upon
outside aid for much of its plant. The hostility of the world, as
embodied in the blockade, left Russia powerless to replace the
machinery and locomotives worn out during the war. The need of
self-defence compelled the Bolsheviks to send their best workmen to
the front, because they were the most reliable Communists, and the
loss of them rendered their factories even more inefficient than they
were under Kerensky. In this respect, and in the laziness and
incapacity of the Russian workman, the Bolsheviks have had to face
special difficulties which would be less in other countries. On the
other hand, they have had special advantages in the fact that Russia
is self-supporting in the matter of food; no other country could have
endured the collapse of industry so long, and no other Great Power
except the United States could have survived years of blockade.

The hostility of the world was in no way a surprise to those who made
the October revolution; it was in accordance with their general
theory, and its consequences should have been taken into account in
making the revolution.

Other hostilities besides those of the outside world have been
incurred by the Bolsheviks with open eyes, notably the hostility of
the peasants and that of a great part of the industrial population.
They have attempted, in accordance with their usual contempt for
conciliatory methods, to substitute terror for reward as the incentive
to work. Some amiable Socialists have imagined that, when the private
capitalist had been eliminated, men would work from a sense of
obligation to the community. The Bolsheviks will have none of such
sentimentalism. In one of the resolutions of the ninth Communist
Congress they say:

Every social system, whether based on slavery, feudalis