save the good and prevent the evil. There will, however, be
large numbers of employers of labour who will not avail themselves of the
new-fangled methods, and who will endeavour to increase production by the
old policy of "driving." And even without driving, wage-earning labour
under present conditions may be carried on under circumstances unfavourable
to industrial efficiency, and for hours inimical to the welfare of the
community and actually injurious to industrial productivity. In the future
the State will be more closely concerned with industry and commerce than
hitherto; there will probably be a more clearly defined State policy aimed
at the encouragement of production. Its view will be wider than that of the
individual employer, and we may expect therefore, providing there is no
serious reaction after the strain of the war, that the State will impose
working conditions which will favour maximum production in the long run. It
will be to the interest of the community to maximise the efficiency of the
industrial system; and enlightened statesmanship will overhaul our existing
code of industrial laws to achieve this object as far as possible, as well
as to guard the community against the evils inherent in a misapplication of
the principles of "scientific management."[1]
[Footnote 1: See an article on "Next Steps in Factory and Workshop Reform,"
by Arthur Greenwood, in the _Political Quarterly_ for September 1914.]
After the war, unemployment is likely to increase. The work of new
production will be put into operation only gradually; there will be every
inducement to economise the use of labour as far as possible; wages during
the depression will most probably fall; there will be disaffection in the
ranks of the trade unionists; the possible consolidation of industries into
the hands of fewer employers will increase the strength of the masters; the
funds of the trade unions will be depleted by the heavy strain on their
resources, and subject to a further drain after the war. The outlook of the
trade union movement is, therefore, far from bright. It will be generally
agreed that the bankruptcy or serious impoverishment of the unions of this
country would be nothing less than a national disaster; but unless action
of some kind is taken, they will become greatly weakened and almost
impotent, and one great bulwark against unjust encroachments upon the
rights of labour will be removed.
It is not improbable, however, tha
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