e_. He also managed to exclude from
parliament Messrs. de Montalembert, de Falloux and Keller. But Messrs.
Plichou, Berryer and Thiers, notwithstanding his hostile efforts, were
elected. This last-named statesman was himself a host, and his eloquent
speeches in support of the temporal sovereignty made all the more
impression that they were known to be dictated by far-seeing policy,
rather than any leaning towards religion. They deeply impressed the
parliament and the country; but availed not with Napoleon III., whom an
unprincipled ministry were leading blindfolded to destruction. Meanwhile,
the question of Rome entered on a new phase. The Cabinets of Turin and
Paris concluded an agreement in regard to the Roman State on 15th
September, 1864. The text of this notorious agreement was known to Europe,
whilst its meaning remained a mystery. The ministry of Napoleon III. made
it appear in France as a guarantee for the safety of the Pope. The
Piedmontese government flattered the revolutionary element of Italy, by
representing that it did not in the least change their programme, the
keynote of which was "Rome the Capital." They were right. This proved to
be the true solution of the mystery. The first article provided that the
King of Piedmont should not attack, and he bound himself by oath not to
attack, the remaining territory of the Holy Father, to prevent by force,
if necessary, all aggression from any other quarter, and to pay the debts
of the former States of the Church. By the second clause France became
bound to withdraw her troops in two years. A protocol was added, by which
Victor Emmanuel engaged to transfer his capital from Turin to Florence in
six months. It was more than disrespectful to the Pope; it was of evil
omen, of sinister import, that the sovereign whose state was concerned was
not a party to the treaty--was not even consulted. The minds of all
Catholics were greatly disquieted, and their anxiety was only increased by
the Italian interpretation of the agreement. Pius IX., who understood well
by what men and by what principles the Cabinet of the Tuileries was
governed, made a remark which indicated more his fears for the great
French nation than for the fragment which remained to him of his
territory. He would have nothing to do with the pecuniary compensation
that was offered to him. He could only say that "he pitied France." The
crime of that country was that her government made any agreement at all
with t