ublic, committing it to the English press, whence it found its
way to continental Europe. This eminent British statesman promptly
communicated with Count Cavour, and took him to task severely for his
double dealing at the congress, and for having induced him, as British
Plenipotentiary, by false statements, to sanction his views.

(M50) The calumnies and misrepresentations of the Cavour-Napoleon party
had, indeed, been met by anticipation in the decree, known as _motu
proprio_, which Pius IX. issued from Portici, shortly before his return to
Rome. This decree indicated the reforms which, as we learn from Count de
Rayneval's report, were afterwards carried out. It even granted a
constitution as complete as was consistent with the existence of the Papal
Sovereignty. More could not be looked for. The much-vaunted constitution
of England itself does not abrogate or nullify the monarchy. But neither
this nor any other measure of reform, however well adapted to
circumstances and the character of the people, could ever have satisfied
the _Italianissimi_, whose hatred of every existing institution was
boundless as it was incomprehensible. The Holy Father solemnly declared
that he decreed the measures in question for the good of his people, and
under the eye of heaven. "They are such," he adds, at the conclusion of
the document, _motu proprio_, "as to be compatible with our dignity, and,
if faithfully carried out, we are convinced that they will produce results
which must command the approval of all wise minds. The good sense of all
among you who aspire to what is best, with a fervor proportionate to the
ills which you have endured, shall be our judge in this matter. Above all,
let us place our trust in God, who, even in fulfilling the decrees of His
justice, is never unmindful of His mercy." It could not be expected, and
it was not expected, that the Pope should resign his sovereignty. The
words of Donoso Cortez, spoken in the Spanish parliament, in defence of
the temporal sovereignty, were received at the time with universal
acceptance.

(M51) "Civilized Europe," said this distinguished author and statesman,
"will not consent to see enthroned in that mad city of Rome a new and
strange dynasty begotten of crime. And let no one here say, that in this
matter there are two separate questions--one a temporal question, the other
entirely spiritual--that the difficulty lies between the temporal sovereign
and his subjects; that the Po