e succession might be interrupted, and its legitimacy
stained. But Mr. Breckinridge had performed his official duty with
scrupulous fidelity, and Mr. Lincoln had been declared by him, in
the presence of the two Houses of Congress, to be lawfully and
constitutionally elected President of the United States. Anarchy
and disorder in the North would at that time have proved so
advantageous to the leaders of Secession, that the apprehension
was firmly fixed in the Northern mind that some attempt would be
made to bring it about. The very fact, therefore, that Mr. Lincoln
was in possession of the office, that he was quietly living in the
Executive mansion, that the Senate of the United States was in
session, with a quorum present, ready to act upon his nominations,
imported a new confidence and opened a new prospect to the friends
of the Union.

The Inaugural address added to the feeling of hopefulness and
security in the North. It effectually removed every trace of
unfavorable impression which had been created by Mr. Lincoln's
speeches, and gave at once a new view and an exalted estimate of
the man. He argued to the South, with persuasive power, that the
institution of Slavery in the States was not in danger by his
election. He admitted the full obligation under the Constitution
for the return of fugitive slaves. He neither affirmed nor denied
any position touching Slavery in the Territories. He was fully
aware that many worthy, patriotic citizens desired that the National
Constitution should be amended; and, while he declined to make any
recommendation, he recognized the full authority of the people over
the subject, and said he should favor rather than oppose a fair
opportunity for them to act upon it. He expressed a preference,
if the Constitution was to be amended, for a general convention
rather than for action through State Legislatures. He so far
departed from his purpose not to speak of particular amendments as
to allude to the one submitted by the late Congress, to the effect
that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic
institutions of the States; and he said that, holding such a
provision to be now implied in the Constitution, he had no objection
to its being made express and irrevocable. He pleaded earnestly,
even tenderly, with those who would break up the Union. "In your
hands," said he, "my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in
mine, is the momentous issue of civil war.