dence away from the house); (2) because of
the absence of regularity in housework; (3) because the domestic servants
are not free on Sundays; (4) because they must live with the employers.
These facts are established by answer to inquiries made by Miss Jackson,
factory inspector of Wisconsin.

The women employed in the stores and factories are in general paid about
the same wages, $4 to $6 a week. A saleswoman, upon whom greater demands
are made as to dress and personal appearance, finds it more difficult to
live on these wages than would the woman employed in the factory. As
pocket-money, however, this sum is a very good remuneration, and this
explains why the girls of these classes, in imitation of the bad example
set them by the members of the upper ranks of society, manifest such an
extraordinary taste for costly clothes and expensive pleasures. In 1888,
an official inquiry showed that 95 per cent of the women laborers lived at
home; in 1891 another official inquiry showed that one third of the women
laborers earned $5 a week; two thirds from $5 to $7, and only 1.8 per cent
earned more than $12, while the men laborers earned on the average $12 to
$15 a week. Women laborers are organized as yet only to a small extent (1
per cent, while 10 per cent of the men are organized). There are separate
social-democratic organizations of women, formed through the Federation of
Labor.

The workingwomen especially will be helped by the right to vote. In the
"Political Equality Series" appears a pamphlet entitled _Why does the
Working-woman need the Right to Vote?_ In the first place she needs the
right to vote in order to secure higher wages. Just suppose that the
members of the typographical union were to-morrow deprived of their right
to vote. Only their full political emancipation could again restore them
to their former position of prestige among the working classes. This is
exactly the case with the women, and they have not even reached the
highly-developed organization of the typographers. A politically unfree
laboring class is also unable to maintain its vocation against a laboring
class possessing political rights; _if the vocation is remunerative the
unfree class will be deprived of it or be kept from it altogether_. The
oppression of the workingwomen has its effect also on men through its
tendency to lower wages. Therefore at the present time the trades-unions
have recognized that to organize women is _in the interests