f the old on a larger scale. And, curiously, she is less
"new" than the other new countries. Australia and New Zealand for years
past have been trying experiments in social policy; they are determined
to do what they can to prevent the recurrence there of the European
situation. But in America, there is no sign of such tendencies. The
political and social philosophy of the United States is still that of
the early English individualists. And, no doubt, there are adequate
causes, if not good reasons for this. The immense wealth and size of the
country, the huge agricultural population, the proportionally smaller
aggregation in cities has maintained in the mass of the people what I
have called the "pioneer" attitude. Opportunity has been, and still is,
more open than in any other country; and, in consequence, there has
hardly emerged a definite "working class" with a class consciousness.
This, however, is a condition that cannot be expected to continue.
America will develop on the lines of Europe, because she has European
institutions; and "labour" will assert itself more and more as an
independent factor in politics.

Whether it will assert itself successfully is another matter. At
present, as is notorious, American politics are controlled by wealth,
more completely, perhaps, than those of any other country, even of
England. The "corporations" make it a main part of their business to
capture Congress, the Legislatures, the Courts and the city governments;
and they are eminently successful. The smallest country town has its
"boss," in the employ of the Railway; the Public Service Corporations
control the cities; and the protected interests dominate the Senate.
Business governs America; and business does not include labour. In no
civilised country except Japan is labour-legislation so undeveloped as
in the States; in none is capital so uncontrolled; in none is justice so
openly prostituted to wealth. America is the paradise of plutocracy; for
the rich there enjoy not only a real power but a social prestige such as
can hardly have been accorded to them even in the worst days of the
Roman Empire. Great fortunes and their owners are regarded with a
respect as naif and as intense as has ever been conceded to birth in
Europe. No American youth of ambition, I am told, leaves college with
any less or greater purpose in his heart than that of emulating Mr.
Carnegie or Mr. Rockefeller. And, on the other hand, it must be
conceded, ri