"Our quarrel is a family quarrel, and has no room in the columns of
the capitalistic papers, where it can only give joy and comfort to
the common enemy. The unpardonable offense of the
Simons-Russell-Spargo crowd [which withdrew from the Socialist
Party of America on account of its unpatriotic and un-American
opposition to the people and Government of the United States at
war, as expressed in the Socialist Party's St. Louis Convention
utterances in April, 1917] was not so much their social-patriotic
stand during the war as the fact that they rushed into the
anti-Socialist press maliciously denouncing their former comrades
as pro-German and deliberately added fuel to the sinister flame of
mob violence and government persecution directed against the
Socialist movement.

"We have had our split. It was unfortunate but unavoidable, and now
we are through with it. Legitimate constructive work of the
Socialist movement is before us. Let us give it all of our time,
energies and resources. Let us center our whole fight upon
capitalism, and let us hope our Communist brethren will go and do
likewise."

Thus all three organizations, Socialist Party of America, Communist
Party of America and Communist Labor Party, have merely had "a family
quarrel" and are still one kin, one blood, one "family," without
"fundamental" "differences on vital questions of principles," so that
the Socialist Partyites and their "Communist brethren" can go on doing
"likewise" against our present Government and institutions until, "when
the hour of the _real_ Socialist fight"--the Great Rebellion--"strikes
_in this country_" the members of the Socialist Party "may find" the
members of the two Communist parties "again in" their "ranks." Thus by
Hillquit, at least, all three parties can only "be construed" to be in
one and the same "category."

We end this chapter by reproducing from the "New York Call" of September
5, 1919, a considerable part of the Socialist Party's Emergency
Convention manifesto. This offspring of Hillquit's brain declares
"solidarity with the revolutionary workers of Russia" and "radical"
Spartacides of Germany and Communists of Austria and Hungary. Let the
reader carefully weigh this document's meanings, comparing them with the
call for and manifesto of the Moscow Conference, the definition of
"industrial unionism" and "mass action" in th