fter decide as to
the abstract question whether slavery may or may not go into any
territory under a constitution. The people have the lawful means to
exclude it if they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a
day or an hour anywhere unless it is supported by local police
legislation. Those police regulations can only be established by the
local legislature; and if the people are opposed to slavery they will
elect representatives to that body who will by unfriendly legislation
effectually prevent its introduction into their midst; if, on the
contrary, they are for it, their legislation will favour its extension."
Douglas had decided. Southern newspapers took up his statement and the
tide of anger rose against the "little giant" that cost him the
presidency. Lincoln had digged a pitfall for unwary feet, and the great
opportunist fell therein.

After this, Douglas became bitter, excited, and increasingly angry, for
the tide was plainly beginning to run against him. Lincoln's speeches
fairly blazed with quotable sentences. "If you think you can slander a
woman into loving you, or a man into voting for you, try it till you are
satisfied." Again: "Has Douglas the exclusive right in this country to
be on all sides of all questions?" Again: "The plainest print cannot be
read through a gold eagle." Again: "Douglas shirks the responsibility of
pulling the national house down, but he digs under it, that it may fall
of its own weight."

To the astonishment of the country, when the debate was over, Lincoln
carried Illinois on the popular vote, although he lost the senatorship
through the arrangement of legislative districts that gave the election
to the Democrats. Disappointed, Lincoln retained his good humour, and
laughed over what he called the little episode. "I feel," said Lincoln,
"like the boy who stubbed his toe; it hurt too hard to laugh, and he was
too big to cry. But I have been heard on the great subject of the age,
and though I now sink out of view and shall be forgotten, I believe I
have made some marks which will tell for the cause of civil liberty long
after I am gone."

Lincoln had now become a national figure. In February, 1860, Mr. Beecher
and Henry C. Bowen invited him to speak in New York. The first plan was
for him to speak in Plymouth Church, but later considerations led to a
change to Cooper Institute. Lincoln arrived in the city late in the
week; on Sunday morning he heard Mr. Beecher preach. H