ite Tsar,
previously regarded as an almost divine being, could be dethroned. Four
months after this famous meeting a Convention was held, in the American
fashion, with 2874 delegates, who represented some 100,000 people. They
pronounced themselves to be Republicans and Yugoslavs. It is quite true
that many of the farmers in Croatia have a pretty vague idea of the
Republic. "Long live Mr. Republic!" has been heard before now at one of
their meetings, while a landowner of my acquaintance was asked by two of
his aged tenants whether in the event of this Republic being established
they should choose as President King Peter or the Prince-Regent or King
Charles. But we should remember that in 1907 a printing press was
founded by the Peasants' party at Zagreb, and those who gave their money
for this cause were, to a great extent, illiterate. The people are
groping towards the light, and they are willing to be told by those they
trust that they have much to learn as to the nature of the light.
Republicanism was fanned into flame by Radi['c]'s imprisonment and other
causes, so that he says he is uncertain whether he can now persuade them
to modify their demands. But if he tells them that in his opinion a
constitutional monarchy will meet the case, they will probably still
consent to accept his view--and this has of late come to be his own
opinion. It may very well be that he adopted the republican idea with no
other purpose than to obtain for the peasants the social and economic
legislation which they would otherwise not have secured. And, after all,
there was something of a republican nature in Croatia's autonomy under
the Magyars. As for his imprisonment, it was strange that the Belgrade
Cabinet, who should have known their man, treated him as if he were a De
Valera; and perhaps the conduct of a subsequent Cabinet, that of Mr.
Proti['c], who came out for Croatian Home Rule, was also strange in
appearance, for while Radi['c] was still in prison he was invited to
decide as to whether the Ban, Croatia's Governor, should or should not
remain in office. But Mr. Proti['c] understood that at this period
Radi['c]'s republicanism was somewhat academic.
His party had, in years gone by, been small enough in the Landtag; but
the fact that his followers then numbered only two is anyhow of no
importance, as his very real power was derived from the peasants, who
were largely voteless. How often in his prison he must have yearned for
those o
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