e subtle provocations
which eventually counselled the mad appeal to Germany; for there can be
little doubt but that, if Castle rule had prevailed in Pretoria as it
still does in Dublin, South Africa would long since have been a
consenting party to German occupation.
This, however, was only one of the subtler aspects of the rising which
hardly found its way across the Channel, and consequently could scarcely
be expected to appeal to a colonial who was not an Irishman himself.
As the collapse became more general, however, it became more and more
evident to intelligent statesmen that it was more a hatred of Castle
rule than a love of German rule that had been at the bottom of it all,
and that it had been, in spite of the bluster of foreign alliance, more
an armed protest against a domestic state of affairs than a real attempt
to sever the Imperial link; nevertheless, the latter idea still survived
in the minds of the military authorities, who could see in it nothing
else, with the disastrous results that only became evident in the
aftermath.
CHAPTER THE FIFTH
AFTERMATH
The surrender and collapse of the abortive rising was no sooner over
than the whole affair took an entirely new aspect and passed through a
completely new phase when it came to deciding what should be thought of
the incident and what should be done to the prisoners.
It called for the utmost delicacy of handling on all sides, but this is
just what it did not get, and at once there was a complete revulsion of
feeling for the Sinn Feiners which, had it come before the rising, might
have enabled them to sweep everything before them.
The psychological change is curious as a study in Irish politics.
The first announcement of the rising was so sudden that it took all but
those immediately concerned entirely by surprise, and after a moment of
almost speechless amazement the movement was promptly denounced by every
moderate man in Ireland.
To the Nationalists it appeared at first as if it were the tearing
asunder of the Home Rule Bill and the ruination of the constitutional
cause for ever. Consequently their attitude was, from their own point of
view, perfectly correct, viz. unqualified denunciation. But as further
details came along and their opponents in England began to make capital
out of it, the case became different. The cry went up that it was want
of strength on the part of Mr. Birrell, the Chief Secretary, who could
do nothing but
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