commercial principle in their mercantile dealing: and hence
is the deepest and maturest wisdom of Parliament demanded, and the best
resources of this kingdom must be strained, to restore them,--that is,
to restore the countries destroyed by the misconduct of the Company, and
to restore the Company itself, ruined by the consequences of their plans
for destroying what they were bound to preserve.

I required, if you remember, at my outset, a proof that these abuses
were habitual. But surely this is not necessary for me to consider as a
separate head; because I trust I have made it evident beyond a doubt, in
considering the abuses themselves, that they are regular, permanent, and
systematical.

I am now come to my last condition, without which, for one, I will never
readily lend my hand to the destruction of any established government,
which is,--that, in its present state, the government of the East India
Company is absolutely incorrigible.

Of this great truth I think there can be little doubt, after all that
has appeared in this House. It is so very clear, that I must consider
the leaving any power in their hands, and the determined resolution to
continue and countenance every mode and every degree of peculation,
oppression, and tyranny, to be one and the same thing. I look upon that
body incorrigible, from the fullest consideration both of their uniform
conduct and their present real and virtual constitution.

If they had not constantly been apprised of all the enormities committed
in India under their authority, if this state of things had been as much
a discovery to them as it was to many of us, we might flatter ourselves
that the detection of the abuses would lead to their reformation. I will
go further. If the Court of Directors had not uniformly condemned every
act which this House or any of its committees had condemned, if the
language in which they expressed their disapprobation against enormities
and their authors had not been much more vehement and indignant than any
ever used in this House, I should entertain some hopes. If they had not,
on the other hand, as uniformly commended all their servants who had
done their duty and obeyed their orders as they had heavily censured
those who rebelled, I might say, These people have been in an error, and
when they are sensible of it they will mend. But when I reflect on the
uniformity of their support to the objects of their uniform censure, and
the state of insign