ain the
Company invaded the Mahratta dominions. The disaster that ensued gave
occasion to a new treaty. The whole army of the Company was obliged in
effect to surrender to this injured, betrayed, and insulted people.
Justly irritated, however, as they were, the terms which they prescribed
were reasonable and moderate, and their treatment of their captive
invaders of the most distinguished humanity. But the humanity of the
Mahrattas was of no power whatsoever to prevail on the Company to attend
to the observance of the terms dictated by their moderation. The war was
renewed with greater vigor than ever; and such was their insatiable lust
of plunder, that they never would have given ear to any terms of peace,
if Hyder Ali had not broke through the Ghauts, and, rushing like a
torrent into the Carnatic, swept away everything in his career. This was
in consequence of that confederacy which by a sort of miracle united the
most discordant powers for our destruction, as a nation in which no
other could put any trust, and who were the declared enemies of the
human species.

It is very remarkable that the late controversy between the several
presidencies, and between them and the Court of Directors, with relation
to these wars and treaties, has not been, which of the parties might be
defended for his share in them, but on which of the parties the guilt
of all this load of perfidy should be fixed. But I am content to admit
all these proceedings to be perfectly regular, to be full of honor and
good faith; and wish to fix your attention solely to that single
transaction which the advocates of this system select for so
transcendent a merit as to cancel the guilt of all the rest of their
proceedings: I mean the late treaties with the Mahrattas.

I make no observation on the total cession of territory, by which they
surrendered all they had obtained by their unhappy successes in war, and
almost all they had obtained under the treaty of Poorunder. The
restitution was proper, if it had been voluntary and seasonable. I
attach on the spirit of the treaty, the dispositions it showed, the
provisions it made for a general peace, and the faith kept with allies
and confederates,--in order that the House may form a judgment, from
this chosen piece, of the use which has been made (and is likely to be
made, if things continue in the same hands) of the trust of the federal
powers of this country.

It was the wish of almost every Englishman that