pliments ever paid to a people by a statesman of
another country.... Mr. Roosevelt has made exactly the kind of
speech we expected him to make--a speech strong, clear, fearless.
He has told us something useful and practical, and has not lost
himself in abstractions and platitudes.... The business of a
trustee is not to do what the subject of the trust likes or thinks
he likes, but to do, however much he may grumble, what is in his
truest and best interests. Unless a trustee is willing to do that,
and does not trouble about abuse, ingratitude, and accusations of
selfishness, he had better give up his trust altogether.... We
thank Mr. Roosevelt once again for giving us so useful a reminder
of our duty in this respect.

These notes of approval were repeated in a great number of letters
which Mr. Roosevelt received from men and women in all walks of life,
men in distinguished official position and "men in the street." There
were some abusive letters, chiefly anonymous, but the general tone of
this correspondence is fairly illustrated by the following:

Allow me, an old colonist in his eighty-fourth year, to thank you
most heartily for your manly address at the Guildhall and for your
life-work in the cause of humanity. If I ever come to the great
Republic, I shall do myself the honor of seeking an audience of
your Excellency. I may do so on my one hundredth birthday! With
best wishes and profound respect.

The envelope of this letter was addressed to "His Excellency
'Govern-or-go' Roosevelt." That the _Daily Telegraph_ and that the
"man in the street" should independently seize upon this salient point
of the address--the "govern-or-go" theory--is significant.

American readers are sufficiently familiar with Mr. Roosevelt's
principles regarding protectorate or colonial government; any
elaborate explanation or exposition of his views is unnecessary. But
it may be well to repeat that he has over and over again said that all
subject peoples, whether in colonies, protectorates, or insular
possessions like the Philippines and Porto Rico, should be governed
for their own benefit and development and should never be exploited
for the mere profit of the controlling powers. It may be well, too, to
add Mr. Roosevelt's own explanation of his criticism of
sentimentality. "Weakness, timidity, and sentimentality," he said in
the Guildhall address, "many cause even more far-reaching harm than
violence a