treasures into Hungary. An attempt to recover his power having proved
ineffectual, he at length abdicated in favour of his son, Milan; who,
dying soon after, was succeeded by his brother, Michael, under the
guardianship of his mother, Liubitza. But the same system still
continued; and all efforts to procure any redress of grievances proving
fruitless, a general outbreak took place in September 1842, the prime
movers in which were Wucicz and Petronevich, who for several years had
been the recognised heads of the popular party. As it was found that the
few troops round the Prince were not to be depended upon, he quitted
Belgrade, accompanied by his mother and the French and English consuls,
and repaired to Semlin; and after some fruitless negotiation, the
sovereignty was declared vacant by the representatives of the nation,
with the concurrence of the Turkish governor, Kiamil Pasha.
As it was well known that the Obrenovich family had been for some time
in bad odour at Petersburg, this movement was at first universally
attributed to Russian influence; but it soon became apparent that its
only motive was the spontaneous assertion by the Servians of the rights
and liberties withheld from them; and the steps for a fresh election, in
pursuance of the provisions of the _hatti-shereefs_ were taken with
perfect order and unanimity. A firman was issued by the Sultan, in right
of his suzerainte; and the unanimous and enthusiastic choice of the
nation fell on Alexander, son of the well-remembered Kara George, who
was forthwith inaugurated in the cathedral of Belgrade, by the
Archbishop, and received from the Porte the _berat_ or patent, necessary
for his confirmation in his new dignity. His accession was officially
notified by the Ottoman ministers, to the Russian envoy at
Constantinople but this evidence of good understanding and unity of
interest between the Porte and her vassal, was a formidable and
unexpected obstacle to the sinister designs of Russia which was to be
counteracted at all hazards; and the course adopted for this purpose,
unparalleled perhaps in the annals of diplomacy, cannot be better
understood than from the able and lucid statement of Lord Beaumont in
his place in parliament, on the 5th of May following. [It must first be
well remembered that neither in the treaty of Bukarest, nor in any
subsequent convention, was a shadow of a right of _veto_, or
interference in any way in the election of a prince of Servia, c
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