dence, her speech, her church, her
very land, were Roman. Recalling this, the constitution-framers also
recollected that these had been the gifts of imperial and Christian
Rome. It was a curious but characteristic whim which consequently
suggested to the enemies of ecclesiasticism the revival of Roman forms
dating from the heathen commonwealth. This it was which led them to
commit the administration of government in both external and internal
relations to a divided executive. There, however, the resemblance to
Rome ended, for instead of two consuls there were to be five
directors. These were to sit as a committee, to appoint their own
ministerial agents, together with all officers and officials of the
army, and to fill the few positions in the administrative departments
which were not elective, except those in the treasury, which was a
separate, independent administration. All executive powers except
those of the treasury were likewise to be in their hands. They were to
have no veto, and their treaties of peace must be ratified by the
legislature; but they could declare war without consulting any one.
The judiciary was to be elected directly by the people, and the judges
were to hold office for about a year. The legislature was to be
separated into a senate with two hundred and fifty members, called the
Council of Ancients, which had the veto power, and an assembly called
the Council of Juniors, or, more popularly, from its number, the Five
Hundred, which had the initiative in legislation. The members of the
former must be at least forty years old and married; every aspirant
for a seat in the latter must be twenty-five and of good character.
Both these bodies were alike to be elected by universal suffrage
working indirectly through secondary electors, and limited by
educational and property qualifications. There were many wholesome
checks and balances. This constitution is known as that of I
Vendemiaire, An IV, or September twenty-second, 1795. It became
operative on October twenty-sixth.
The scheme was formed, as was intended, under Girondist influence, and
was acceptable to the nation as a whole. In spite of many defects, it
might after a little experience have been amended so as to work, if
the people had been united and hearty in its support. But they were
not. The Thermidorians, who were still Jacobins at heart, ordered that
at least two-thirds of the men elected to sit in the new houses should
have been members
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