f the country, describing in particular the formation of
patriotic societies by all the towns to act in concert for carrying
out the decrees of the Assembly.[23] This beginning of "federation for
the Revolution," as it was called, in its spread finally welded the
whole country, civil and even military authorities, together.
Napoleon's presence in the time and place of its beginning explains
much that followed. It was February thirteenth when he rejoined his
regiment.

[Footnote 23: "I am in the cabin of a poor man whence I
like to write you after long conversation with these
good people." Nasica, p. 161.]

Comparatively short as had been the time of Buonaparte's absence,
everything in France, even the army, had changed and was still
changing. Step by step the most wholesome reforms were introduced as
each in turn showed itself essential: promotion exclusively according
to service among the lower officers; the same, with room for royal
discretion, among the higher grades; division of the forces into
regulars, reserves, and national guards, the two former to be still
recruited by voluntary enlistment. The ancient and privileged
constabulary, and many other formerly existing but inefficient armed
bodies, were swept away, and the present system of gendarmerie was
created. The military courts, too, were reconstituted under an
impartial body of martial law. Simple numbers were substituted for the
titular distinctions hitherto used by the regiments, and a fair
schedule of pay, pensions, and military honors abolished all chance
for undue favoritism. The necessity of compulsory enlistment was urged
by a few with all the energy of powerful conviction, but the plan was
dismissed as despotic. The Assembly debated as to whether, under the
new system, king or people should wield the military power. They could
find no satisfactory solution, and finally adopted a weak compromise
which went far to destroy the power of Mirabeau, because carried
through by him. The entire work of the commission was temporarily
rendered worthless by these two essential defects--there was no way of
filling the ranks, no strong arm to direct the system.

The first year of trial, 1790, had given the disastrous proof. By this
time all monarchical and absolutist Europe was awakened against
France; only a mere handful of enthusiastic men in England and
America, still fewer elsewhere, were in sympathy with her efforts.