ussian Junker. He was an
alien. For he could hardly be called a German. In blood he was more
Slav than Teutonic. He was unrefined, unsympathetic, and overbearing.
But as a manager he was splendid. He bought up outlying parts to round
off the estate. He paid more attention to the necessaries than to the
luxuries and the amenities of life. He was more careful to surround
himself with a strong police force than with poets and minstrels. But
he was able to keep out the marauders and the poachers. He was able to
protect the property against stronger neighbours and to bully the
weaker neighbours into surrendering desirable additions to the estate.
In a short time the heirs, formerly universally popular, were
cordially hated in the land. But their rents had increased by leaps
and bounds, and the German estate had been rounded off and made into
one solid and compact whole.'
Such, German writers would tell us, is the parable of Germany and
Prussia. The Germans are the gifted, generous, and spendthrift heirs
to an illustrious domain. Prussia is the alien, upstart, unpopular,
unsympathetic, bullying factor and manager. But to this bullying
factor Germany owes the consolidation and prosperity of the national
estate."
XIII.--THE GERMAN REICHSTAG AS A DEBATING CLUB.
"We are apt to forget that, strictly speaking, a Parliamentary
government does not exist in Germany, although we constantly speak of
a 'German Parliament.' According to the Constitution, the Chancellor
is not responsible to Parliament, he is only responsible to the
Emperor. There is no Cabinet or delegation of the majority of the
Reichstag. There is no party system. There are only party squabbles. I
do not know whether Mr. Belloc would approve of the German
Constitution, but it certainly enables the Government to soar high
above all the parties in the Reichstag. German Liberals may be morally
justified in their struggle against political reaction, but
technically the Government are acting within their constitutional
right. And when, therefore, the Reichstag attempts to control the
executive, it is rather the Reichstag which is unconstitutional. On
the other hand, when the Emperor asserts his Divine right, it is he
who is true to the spirit of the Constitution; he is only giving a
religious interpretation and colour to a political prerogative which
he undoubtedly possesses. And not only is there no Parliamentary
government, but there is not even a desire, except w
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