he World-We-Ourselves-Create."
Mrs. Maturin laughed.
"Well, we go wrong when we don't go right. That's just it, we must
go some way. And I'm sure, from what I gather, that she isn't wholly
satisfied with Syndicalism."
"What is right?" demanded Insall.
"Oh, I don't intend to turn her over to Mr. Worrall and make a
sociologist and a militant suffragette out of her. She isn't that
kind, anyhow. But I could give her good literature to read--yours, for
instance," she added maliciously.
"You're preposterous, Augusta," Insall exclaimed.
"I may be, but you've got to indulge me. I've taken this fancy to
her--of course I mean to see more of her. But--you know how hard it is
for me, sometimes, since I've been left alone."
Insall laid his hand affectionately on her shoulder.
"I remember what you said the first day I saw her, that the strike was
in her," Mrs. Maturin continued. "Well, I see now that she does express
and typify it--and I don't mean the 'labour movement' alone, or this
strike in Rampton, which is symptomatic, but crude. I mean something
bigger--and I suppose you do--the protest, the revolt, the struggle for
self-realization that is beginning to be felt all over the nation, all
over the world today, that is not yet focussed and self-conscious, but
groping its way, clothing itself in any philosophy that seems to fit it.
I can imagine myself how such a strike as this might appeal to a
girl with a sense of rebellion against sordidness and lack of
opportunity--especially if she has had a tragic experience. And
sometimes I suspect she has had one."
"Well, it's an interesting theory," Insall admitted indulgently.
"I'm merely amplifying your suggestions, only you won't admit that they
are yours. And she was your protegee." "And you are going to take her
off my hands." "I'm not so sure," said Mrs. Maturin.
CHAPTER XIX
The Hampton strike had reached the state of grim deadlock characteristic
of all stubborn wars. There were aggressions, retaliations on both
sides, the antagonism grew more intense. The older labour unions were
accused by the strikers of playing the employers' game, and thus grew
to be hated even more than the "capitalists." These organizations of the
skilled had entered but half-heartedly into a struggle that now began to
threaten, indeed, their very existence, and when it was charged that the
Textile Workers had been attempting to secure recruits from the ranks of
the strikers, a
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