k of the value of value, of
the weight, not of a specific body, but of gravity itself. Herr
Duehring calls people like Owen, St. Simon and Fourier, social
alchemists. When he invents a value for labor time, that is for labor,
he shows that he is far below these same alchemists.

For Socialism, which will emancipate human labor force from its place
as a commodity, the understanding that labor has no value and can have
none is a matter of the greatest importance. With an understanding of
it, all attempts made by Herr Duehring by means of his crude
worker-socialism (Arbeitersozialismus) to regulate the division of the
means of existence, as a kind of higher wages, fall to the ground.
From it there follows the broader view, since it is controlled by
purely economic motives, that distribution regulates itself in the
interests of production, and production is advanced in the greatest
degree by a method of distribution which permits all the social
departments to develop, maintain, and express their capacities to the
fullest possible extent. To the ideas of the intellectuals which have
come into Herr Duehring's possession, it must always seem to be an
enormity that it will abolish barrow pushing and architecture
simultaneously as professions, and that the man who has given half an
hour to architecture will also push the cart a little until his work
as architect is again in demand. It would be a pretty sort of
socialism which perpetuated the business of barrow-pushing.

If the equality of value of labor time has the significance that
workers produce equal products in equal periods of time it is
evidently false, unless an average is first taken. Of two workmen at
the same branch of industry the value of the product of their labor
time will differ according to the intensity of labor and their
respective ability. No scheme of economic equality, at least on our
planet, can remedy this unfortunate state of affairs. What then is
left of the equality of all and every sort of labor? Nothing but high
sounding phrases which have no economic value, nothing but the evident
inability of Herr Duehring to distinguish between the fixing of value
by labor and the fixing of value by the wages of labor, only the
ukase, which is the foundation of the new social economy, that wages
shall be equal for equal amounts of labor time. Really the old French
communists and Weitling had much better grounds for their equality of
wages theories.

How then