hich the wit of man has ever divined.

In truth, it deserves consideration by those who think on human
affairs, and the probable form of government which may be expected to
prevail in future among men, whether _universal_ suffrage is the real
evil to be dreaded; and whether _equality_ of suffrage is not the real
poison which destroys society. Abstractly considered, there is much
justice in the plea so constantly advanced by the working-classes,
that being members of the community, and contributing to its support
or opulence by their labour, they are entitled to a certain voice in
the direction of its affairs. If no one has a voice at all but the
sovereign, as in a despotism, or no one except a few magnates, as in
an aristocracy, the humbler classes cannot complain at least of
inconsistency, whatever they may of injustice, if they are excluded.
But if a vast body of electors, as in Great Britain, are admitted, and
still the great bulk of the working-classes are excluded, it is not
easy to see on what principle the exclusion of some can be rendered
consistent with the admission of others. It deserves consideration
whether the true principle would not be to give every able-bodied
working man, major and not receiving parochial relief, a vote, but a
_vote of much less weight than his superiors in intelligence,
property, or station_. This might be done either as the Romans did, by
making the votes be taken by centuries, and classing all the votes of
the poorer electors in a limited number of centuries, or giving each
man a _personal_ vote, and giving the holders of property, in
addition, more votes for their property; as one for every pound of
direct taxes paid. Louis XVI. proposed a plan of this sort to Turgot
before the Revolution; but that minister, deeply embued with the
principles of democracy, rejected it; and Neckar, following out his
views, practically established universal suffrage. Possibly the plan,
if adopted and honestly carried into execution, might have prevented
the whole calamities of the Revolution.

Of the dangers of such a multiplication of votes, without any
restriction, Roman history affords a memorable example.

"Rome," says Montesquieu, "had conquered the world with the aid
of the Italian cities, and, in return, she had communicated to
them a great variety of privileges. At first they cared little
for these advantages; but when the rights of Roman citizenship
was that of uni