clear that the administration could not have
long existed had the late king lived a few months longer. His majesty
had taken them back to his service with reluctance, and he was supposed
to be on the watch for the first favourable opportunity of dismissing
them. His demise, however, promised an increased stability to their
power. Under their new sovereign they looked for a new order of things.
She was believed to have been educated by her mother in principles and
predilections favourable to their rule, and her countenance and support
was expected to give not merely security, but popularity to their
government. Nor did they fail to turn the event to good account. When
pressed by their democratic allies to introduce organic measures for
which they had no predilection themselves, it had been their practice to
allege the king's reluctance to proceed, as a reason for not falling
in with their views. When, however, Queen Victoria ascended the throne,
they eagerly declared their emancipation from the thraldom of an hostile
court, and they proclaimed that the young queen had entered warmly into
their views, and had espoused their political creed without reservation.
Another considerable resource of popular appeal to the ministerial
candidates was the alleged misdeeds of the new King of Hanover.
Immediately upon his accession to the throne of that kingdom, his
majesty had issued an ordinance, by which the then existing constitution
was suspended; and it was thought this conduct of one who was an
acknowledged leader of the Tories, might be represented to the
disadvantage of that party. These, and other topics, were not without
their weight with the multitude. Yet, with their assistance, the
ministers had sufficient to do to maintain their previous position.
By the end of July the elections for English cities and boroughs were
nearly over, and the relative strength of parties was little changed as
regarded the Whigs. In the county elections they underwent, indeed, a
serious defalcation of strength; besides losing twenty-three seats, they
failed in fifteen counties out of sixteen in which they endeavoured
to substitute members of their own party for Conservatives. As for the
Radicals, public opinion was still less in their favour: even Mr. Hume
failed in being returned for Middlesex, and was driven to the necessity
of appearing in the house as Mr. O'Connell's nominee for Kilkenny. The
Radicals, it is true, did not suffer numerically