like
himself, were disposed to mitigate their opposition, if it could be done
without sacrificing the principles for which they contended. He had been
disappointed: and, therefore, notwithstanding the improvements made in
the bill, he could not give it his support. He was satisfied that in
principle, and in some of the details, this bill was dangerous: yet if
members on the other side would declare their willingness to admit of
further amendments, he would not be indisposed to give up the point of
disfranchisement to a considerable extent, as being the point on which
the popular feeling was most strongly excited; provided that, on the
other hand, concessions were made in parts of the bill on which the
public did not feel so strongly. Lord John Russell contended that
it signified little whether they took away this or that number of
nomination-boroughs; the time was gone by when any government could be
earned on by means of their operation. It must be carried on under the
control of the intelligent and respectable part of the community,
which control would be provided by the bill. If the bill passed into
operation, he had no doubt that men would be returned of sound views,
and entitled to the confidence of the country. Sir C. Wetherell, on the
other hand, maintained that while the present was the most unfit of all
seasons to agitate reform, in consequence of the violent excitement into
which the country had been thrown, that excitement itself was mainly
attributable to ministers, who had fostered it for the express purpose
of carrying the bill. Sir Robert again combated the details of the bill,
arguing that they tended to the destruction of the British constitution.
He added, in conclusion, "This bill, therefore, I shall oppose to the
last, believing, as I do, that the people are grossly deluded as to the
practical benefits which they have been taught to expect from it; that
it is the first step, not directly to revolution, but to a series of
changes which will affect the property, and alter the mixed constitution
of the country; that it will be fatal to the authority of the house of
lords; and that it will force on a series of further concessions. I
will oppose it to the last, convinced that, though my opposition will
be unavailing, it will not be fruitless, because the opposition now made
will oppose a bar to further concessions hereafter. If the whole of the
house were now to join in giving way, it would have less power