rits of the measure.
Ireland, he contended, had for years been growing worse and worse; and
it was necessary, to effect a better state of things, that recourse
should be had to conciliation. As to the dangers to be apprehended from
concession, Lord Lyndhurst said he was now convinced that they were
merely imaginary. And even if there were some danger, it seemed to him
that the danger to be dreaded from the discontent of five millions of
subjects, if their prayer were rejected, was infinitely the greatest
and the worst. But he, for one, entertained no apprehensions that if
the professors of the Roman Catholic religion should be introduced into
parliament, they would exercise their influence to overthrow or injure
the Protestant established church; and he entertained no apprehensions
whatever, that in the discussion of those questions which concerned the
church, her interests would be sacrificed. Looking at this measure both
on a political and a religious principle, he was sure that it would
put an end to the contentions and animosities which had prevailed,
particularly in Ireland, and that it would operate to the advantage
of the Protestant church and the Protestant religion. The Marquis of
Anglesea, who had recently been recalled from his government of Ireland
because he held out hopes of Catholic emancipation, also entered
the ministerial phalanx which combated for that measure. He insisted
principally on the military points of view in which the question ought
to be considered. Every man, he said, acquainted with the state of
Ireland would agree with him, that in a time of profound peace, under
the exclusive laws, 25,000 men was but a scanty garrison for Ireland.
In the event of war, or even of the rumour of war, that would be an
improvident government which did not immediately add a force of 15,000
men to the previous military force. It could not be a question that
both France and America wished to do us injury; and in the case of any
collision with either of these powers, the first object of both would
be to throw arms to a great extent into the hands of the discontented
Irish. "I am arguing," he continued, "be it observed, upon the
supposition that the exclusive laws are in existence: for if they were
not, the arms would not be received, or, if received, would be turned
against the donors. But suppose that we are absolutely at war, and
that there is a combination of the powers of Europe (no very unlikely
contingency)