ommons on the 24th,
and they were not prepared to go back on their written word, or to be
satisfied by the "put-up job" resignation of their civilian Chief. They
both sent in their resignations; and, as they refused even under
pressure to withdraw them, the Secretary of State had no choice but to
do the same on the 30th of March, this time beyond recall. Mr. Asquith
announced on the same day that he had himself become Secretary of State
for War, and would have to go to Scotland for re-election.

The facts as here related were only extracted by the most persistent and
laborious cross-examination of the Government, who employed all the
familiar arts of official evasion in order to conceal the truth from the
country. Day after day Ministers were bombarded by batteries of
questions in the House of Commons, in addition to the lengthy debates
that occupied the House for several consecutive days. This pressure
compelled the Prime Minister to produce a White Paper, entitled
"Correspondence relating to Recent Events in the Irish Command."[78] It
was published on the 25th of March, the third day of the continuous
debates, and, although Mr. Asquith said it contained "all the material
documents," it was immediately apparent to members who had closely
studied the admissions that had been dragged from the Ministers chiefly
concerned, that it was very far from doing so. Much the most important
documents had, in fact, been withheld. Suspicion as to the good faith of
the Government was increased when it was found that the Lord Chancellor,
Lord Haldane, had interpolated into the official Report of his speech in
the House of Lords a significant word which transformed his definite
pledge that Ulster would not be coerced, into a mere statement that no
"immediate" coercion was contemplated.

In the face of such evasion and prevarication it was out of the question
to let the matter drop. On the 22nd of April the Government was forced
to publish a second White Paper,[79] which contained a large number of
highly important documents omitted from the first. But it was evident
that much was still being kept back, and, in particular, that what had
passed between Sir Arthur Paget and his officers at a conference
mentioned in the published correspondence was being carefully concealed.
Mr. Bonar Law demanded a judicial inquiry, where evidence could be taken
on oath. Mr. Asquith refused, saying that an insinuation against the
honour of Ministers could