erefore, both in Rome, in Persia, and in India,
and everywhere, a good subject.

'We defend not nor abet, great Emperor, the act of that holy but
impetuous and passionate man, who so lately, in defiance of the imperial
edict and before either remonstrance or appeal on our part, preached on
the very steps of the capitol, and there committed that violence for
which he hath already answered with his life. We defend him not in that;
but neither do we defend, but utterly condemn and execrate the
unrighteous haste, and the more than demoniac barbarity of his death.
God, we rejoice in all our afflictions to believe, is over all, and the
wicked, the cruel, and the unjust, shall not escape.

'Yet it must be acknowledged that there are higher duties than those
which we owe to the state, even as there is a higher sovereign to whom
we owe allegiance than the head of the state, whether that head be king,
senate, or emperor. Man is not only a subject and a citizen, he is first
of all the creature of God, and amenable to his laws. When therefore
there is a conflict between the laws of God and the king, who can doubt
which are to be obeyed?--'

'Who does not see,' cried Porphyrius vehemently, 'that in such
principles there lurks the blackest treason? for who but themselves are
to judge when the laws of the two sovereigns do thus conflict? and what
law then may be promulged, but to them it may be an offence?'

'Let not the learned Porphyrius,' resumed Probus, 'rest in but a part of
what I say. Let him hear the whole, and then deny the principle if he
can. I say, when the law of God and the law of man are opposite the one
to the other, we are not to hesitate which to obey and which to break;
our first allegiance is due to Heaven. And it is true that we ourselves
are to be the judges in the case. But then we are judges under the same
stern laws of conscience toward God, which compel us to violate the law
of the empire, though death in its most terrific form be the penalty.
And is it likely therefore that we shall, for frivolous causes, or
imaginary ones, or none at all, hold it to be our duty to rebel against
the law of the land? To think so were to rate us low indeed. They may
surely be trusted to make this decision, whose fidelity to conscience in
other emergences brings down upon them so heavy a load of calamity. I
may appeal moreover to all, I think, who hear me, of the common faith,
whether they themselves would not hold by the sa