element. But
the element in which change is permitted has been changed. Whether the
English Peerage be or be not predominantly now Tory, it is certainly
not Tory after the fashion of the Toryism of 1832. The Whig additions
have indeed sprung from a class commonly rather adjoining upon Toryism,
than much inclining to Radicalism. It is not from men of large wealth
that a very great impetus to organic change should be expected. The
additions to the Peers have matched nicely enough with the old Peers,
and therefore they have effected more easily a greater and more
permeating modification. The addition of a contrasting mass would have
excited the old leaven, but the delicate infusion of ingredients
similar in genus, though different in species, has modified the new
compound without irritating the old original.
This ordinary and common use of the peer-creating power is always in
the hands of the Premier, and depends for its characteristic use on
being there. He, as the head of the predominant party, is the proper
person to modify gradually the permanent chamber which, perhaps, was at
starting hostile to him; and, at any rate, can be best harmonised with
the public opinion he represents by the additions he makes. Hardly any
contrived constitution possesses a machinery for modifying its
secondary house so delicate, so flexible, and so constant. If the power
of creating life peers had been added, the mitigating influence of the
responsible executive upon the House of Lords would have been as good
as such a thing can be.
The catastrophic creation of peers for the purpose of swamping the
Upper House is utterly different. If an able and impartial exterior
king is at hand, this power is best in that king. It is a power only to
be used on great occasions, when the object is immense, and the party
strife unmitigated. This is the conclusive, the swaying power of the
moment, and of course, therefore, it had better be in the hands of a
power both capable and impartial, than of a Premier who must in some
degree be a partisan. The value of a discreet, calm, wise monarch, if
such should happen to be reigning at the acute crisis of a nation's
destiny, is priceless. He may prevent years of tumult, save bloodshed
and civil war, lay up a store of grateful fame to himself, prevent the
accumulated intestine hatred of each party to its opposite. But the
question comes back, Will there be such a monarch just then? What is
the chance of having h
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