ere sowing the regrettable seeds of socialism. The
World's Work for December, 1902, said: "The next significant fact is the
recommendation by the Illinois State Federation of Labor that all members
of labor unions who are also members of the state militia shall resign
from the militia. This proposition has been favorably regarded by some
other labor organizations. It has done more than any other single recent
declaration or action to cause a public distrust of such unions as favor
it. _It hints of a class separation that in turn hints of anarchy_."

The _Outlook_, February 14, 1903, in reference to the rioting at
Waterbury, remarks, "That all this disorder should have occurred in a
city of the character and intelligence of Waterbury indicates that the
industrial war spirit is by no means confined to the immigrant or
ignorant working classes."

That President Roosevelt has smelt the smoke from the firing line of the
class struggle is evidenced by his words, "Above all we need to remember
that any kind of _class animosity in the political world_ is, if
possible, even more destructive to national welfare than sectional, race,
or religious animosity." The chief thing to be noted here is President
Roosevelt's tacit recognition of class animosity in the industrial world,
and his fear, which language cannot portray stronger, that this class
animosity may spread to the political world. Yet this is the very policy
which the socialists have announced in their declaration of war against
present-day society--to capture the political machinery of society and by
that machinery destroy present-day society.

The New York Independent for February 12, 1903, recognized without
qualification the class struggle. "It is impossible fairly to pass upon
the methods of labor unions, or to devise plans for remedying their
abuses, until it is recognized, to begin with, that unions are based upon
class antagonism and that their policies are dictated by the necessities
of social warfare. A strike is a rebellion against the owners of
property. The rights of property are protected by government. And a
strike, under certain provocation, may extend as far as did the general
strike in Belgium a few years since, when practically the entire
wage-earning population stopped work in order to force political
concessions from the property-owning classes. This is an extreme case,
but it brings out vividly the real nature of labor organization as a
s