he summer of 1883, he celebrated the
anniversary of his seventieth birthday.

Every now and then, for many years, there was an investigation of some
sort in Brooklyn. Our bridge was a favourite target of investigation.
"Where has the money for this great enterprise been expended?" was the
common question. I defended the trustees, because people did not realise
the emergencies that arose as the work progressed and entailed greater
expenditures. Originally, when projected, it was to cost $7,000,000, but
there was to be only one waggon road. It was resolved later to enlarge
the structure and build two waggon roads, and a place for trains,
freight, and passenger cars. Those enlarged plans were all to the
ultimate advantage of the growth of Brooklyn. It was at first intended
to make the approaches of the bridge in trestle work, then plans were
changed and they were built of granite. The cable, which was originally
to be made of iron, was changed to steel. For three years these cables
were the line on which the passengers on ferry-boats hung their jokes
about swindling and political bribery. No investigation was able to
shake my respect for the integrity of Mr. Stranahan, one of the bridge
trustees. He did as much for Brooklyn as any man in it. He was the
promoter of Prospect Park, designed and planned from his head and
heart. With all the powers at my disposal I defended the bridge trustee.

There was an attempt in New York, towards the close of 1882, to present
the Passion Play on the stage of a theatre. A licence was applied for.
The artist, no matter how high in his profession, who would dare to
appear in the character of the Divine Person, was fit only for the Tombs
prison or Sing-Sing. I had no objection to any man attempting the role
of Judas Iscariot. That was entirely within the limitations of stage
art. Seth Low was Mayor of Brooklyn, and Mr. Grace was Mayor of New
York--a Protestant and a Catholic--and yet they were of one opinion on
this proposed blasphemy.

I think everyone in America realised that the Democratic victory in the
election of Grover Cleveland, by a majority of 190,000 votes, as
Governor of New York, was a presidential prophecy. The contest for
President came up, seriously, in the spring of 1883, and the same
headlines appeared in the political caucus. Among the candidates was
Benjamin F. Butler, Governor of Massachusetts. I believed then there was
not a better man in the United States for Presiden