usical Society was established, and the workpeople are furnished
gratuitously with medical advice and medicines. To these, in the case of
invalid workmen who have been for two years employed in the works, is
added a weekly allowance of six francs during illness. The owners have
also founded a savings bank which pays six per cent. on sums below 3,000
francs, and four per cent. on sums above that amount. These are open to
all the workpeople employed in the works, whether members or not of the
Christian Corporation.

In this fashion M. Fournier, and other devout and practical Catholics of
the Bouches-du-Rhone are fighting the Republic by fighting the
Socialistic Radicalism of which their department is the true
headquarters, and to which the Republic has substantially surrendered.
It is visibly an uphill fight in the Bouches-du-Rhone, and in
South-Eastern France generally. But there is life in the convictions
which nerve men to fight an uphill fight, and there is something in the
fire and spirit of these militant Catholics of France which reminds one
of Prudentius, the Pindar of Christian Spain, celebrating fifteen
centuries ago the believers who upheld so manfully the rights of
conscience against praetors and prefects bent on converting them to the
beauty of 'moral unity'--_quod princeps colit ut colamus omnes_!

When two men ride on a horse the man who holds the bridle is the master,
and the Radicals hold the bridle of the French Government. The Radical
Department of the Bouches-du-Rhone represents the Republic. The
Monarchist Department of the Calvados represents France. If the Republic
wins, the history of France before 1789 will be wiped out as with a
sponge, and with it all the great qualities of the French people must
disappear. Without an Executive, without a Past, and without a Religion,
France would become the ideal nation of the Nihilists.

If France wins, if she recovers the Executive unity and stability
essential to her life as a nation, recovers the historic sense of her
national growth into greatness, recovers for every man, woman, and child
in France the simple human right to believe and to hope, then the
Republic must inevitably vanish, for with all these things the Republic
has made itself incompatible.

If these were only my own conclusions, drawn from all that I saw and
heard and learned in France during the year 1889, I might hesitate to
adopt them as adequate and final.

But how can I hesitate, wh