e one tenth of
their weekly wages to the cause of Cuban independence. Probably never
before or since in the world's wars has such a system of voluntary
tithing been so successfully conducted. It seemed as though every Cuban
in the United States responded. Wealthy men gave one tenth of their
large incomes, and Cuban girls in cigar factories gave one tenth of
their small wages. In many cases they did more, giving one day's wages
each week. Indeed, this is said to have been the general rule in the
cigar and cigarette factories of the United States. Next to Marti
himself, Lincoln de Zayas was perhaps the most successful money raiser.
Numerous speakers and canvassers went to all parts of the country where
Cubans might be found, soliciting funds. Appeal was also made to
Americans, but not so much for pecuniary aid as for sympathy and moral
aid. But in fact much money was given by liberty loving Americans. John
Jacob Astor, afterward a Colonel in the United States army in the war of
intervention, gave $10,000. William E. D. Stokes, of New York, was also
a large contributor and manifested much interest in the cause,
presumably in part because his wife was a Cuban.

Most of this work of Marti's was done in 1893 and 1894. His original
plan was to launch a vast plan of numerous invasions of the island and
simultaneous uprisings in all the provinces in 1894. He purchased and
equipped three vessels, the _Amadis_, the _Baracoa_ and the _Lagonda_,
only to suffer the mortification and very heavy loss of having them
seized by the American authorities for violation of the neutrality law.
Undaunted and undismayed, he renewed his efforts, and at last had the
satisfaction of seeing the revolution openly begun at Baire, near
Santiago, on February 24, 1895. And then occurred one of the most
lamentable and needless tragedies of the whole war--indeed, of all the
history of Cuba.

It was not in Marti's generous and valiant spirit to remain at the rear
and send others forward to face the fire of the foe. Accordingly, as
soon as the revolution was started, he went from New York to Santo
Domingo to confer with the old war horse of the Ten Years' conflict,
Maximo Gomez, and from that island he issued his manifesto concerning
the purposes and programme of the revolution. Well would it have been
for him and for Cuba had he remained there, or had he returned to New
York, to continue the work which he had been so successfully doing. But
because of a t