sons to satisfy the haughty First Families of
Virginia. And all the while, please note that he held the alleged
abductors safe and secure 'gainst harm's way.
In this correspondence he placed himself on record as an Abolitionist of
the Abolitionists; and the name of Seward became listed then and there for
vengeance--or immortality. The subject had been forced upon him, and he
then expressed the sentiment that he continued to voice until Eighteen
Hundred Sixty-five, that America could not exist half-free and half-slave.
It must be a land of slaveholders and slaves, or a land of free-men--he
was fully and irrevocably committed to the cause.
In Eighteen Hundred Forty, he was re-elected Governor. The second
administration was marked, as was the first, by a vigorous policy of
pushing forward public improvements.
At the close of his second term Seward found his personal affairs in
rather an unsettled condition, the expenses of official position having
exceeded his income. He had had a goodly taste of the ingratitude of
republics, and philosopher though he was, he was yet too young to know
that his experience in well-doing was not unique, a fact he came to
comprehend full well, in later years. And so he did that very human
thing--declared his intention of retiring permanently from public life.
Once back at Auburn, clients flocked to him, and he took his pick of
business. And yet we find that public affairs were in his mind. Vexed
questions of State policy were brought to him to decide, and journeys were
made to Ohio and Michigan in the interests of men charged with
slave-stealing. There was little money in such practise and small honors,
but his heart was in the work.
In Eighteen Hundred Forty-four, Seward entered with much zest into the
canvass in behalf of Henry Clay for President, as he thought Clay's
election would surely lead the way to general emancipation.
In Eighteen Hundred Forty-eight, he supported General Taylor with equal
energy. When Taylor was elected, there proved to be a great deal of
opposition to him among the members from the South, in both the Senate and
the House of Representatives. The administration felt the need of being
backed by strong men in the Senate--men who could think on their feet, and
carry a point when necessary against the opposition that sought to
confuse and embarrass the friends of the administration with tireless
windmill elocution.
From Washington came the urgent request th
|