tion of life is that of some work. _Now_
the work is imposed by the tyranny of man and circumstances; then it
will be rather a matter of choice. In the _order_ instead of the
anarchy of industry there will be some relief. To use the grand
prophecy of Fourier:--
"When the series distributes the harmonies,
The attractions will determine the destinies."
Given a material foundation for man and his education, so that he may
have the mental and material means of acting his part, and continuing
his development, then the individual will have inherited an
environment in which life will be worth living, and which only the
favored inherit now. Civilization will certainly have ever new demands
in order to equate its ever changing conditions; and ambition,
heroism, and originality will simply rise to newer and higher fields.
The idea that the temporal state will not continue to encourage and
protect liberty, genius, and originality is most absurd. That has been
its general course against the sects and monopolists of religion and
opinion which have ever been the persecutors. Mr. Savage throws down a
queer jumble of names, viz.: "Homer, Virgil, Isaiah, Jesus, Dante,
Shakespeare, Angelo, Copernicus, Galileo, Goethe, Luther, Servetus,
Newton, Darwin, Spencer, and Galvani,"--and says, "consider them,"
where would they have been before the "governing board" of
Nationalism? We consider and answer: every one of them would have been
free, and protected and encouraged in the exercise of his highest
gifts.
Even under such defective government as _then_ existed, each had its
aid and support, and each was persecuted by the monopolistic sects and
factions sure to get authority in the absence of some general temporal
control, which is absolutely necessary for the purpose of protecting
freedom of thought, of expression, and of action. From Homer's
chieftain, Virgil's emperor, Goethe's duke, on to the end of the list,
we owe all they have done for us to the _temporal_ governments of
their time, with a possible exception of Spencer, more apparent than
real. Even the Roman Pilate (if we are to take the reports?) let Jesus
have a freedom to tramp and preach in Palestine that would not be
allowed in Boston for a day, and then stood by him, and when
compelled, by the unnationalized nature of his office, to give up to
the Anthony Comstocks and the priestly Monopolists and Pharisees of
that day, he nobly said, "I find no fault in him," an
|