ions everywhere, proving republican loyalty to be as firm and
trustworthy as monarchical, and government by and for the governed to be
not necessarily either inefficient or ephemeral. It demonstrated that a
republic, without lessening its freedom, may become a great military
power, generals of highest genius passively obeying a popularly elected
Congress and Executive, these in turn maintaining full mastery, yet not
hampering military movements.

The achievement of this firmer national unity, with the success and the
martial and financial prodigies attending the struggle therefor, gave us
new and far higher place in the esteem of nations, with correspondingly
enlarged influence in mankind's greater affairs.

By 1890 one might observe a more or less conscious disposition on the
part of thoughtful Americans to insist that this influence be exerted,
to have the nation break over the policy wisely laid down by Washington,
for earlier times, and assert itself more in the Parliament of Man. It
was felt that our place and power among the nations of the earth had not
been given us for naught, and that, as the weal of mankind is to a
considerable degree determined by international politics, we had no
right longer to hold ourselves aloof from this field. The feeling was
emphasized by the annihilation of space between us and other nations,
brought about through steam navigation and ocean telegraphy.

Not only Great Britain and France, but Germany, Russia, and China were
now at our very doors. They would influence our weal whether or not we
reacted upon them. Why should we not, without being meddlesome, strive
to disseminate our ideas, extend our civilization, and make our national
personality felt? It was to President Arthur's praise that he caused the
United States to be represented at Berlin in the Congo Conference of
1884-85. Next, men said, our delegates would be present with voice and
vote in all regular Congresses of the Great Powers. Americans did not
prophesy, as more than one voice out of Europe itself had of late done,
that the United States would some day cross the Atlantic as a conqueror.
This, indeed, was a somewhat natural thought. The Old World reeled under
its crushing burden of national debts and military taxes, and in
material resources could not long compete with us, free from such
burdens. But the American thought was that we should express our
superiority in the form of ideas, not of arms, and use it in eleva