o some
understanding as to the best mode of dealing with the question,
that it was absurd to be standing aloof at such a moment; to
which Ellenborough replied that he perfectly agreed with him, was
anxious to do so, and intended to advise his friends to take that
course.

April 1st, 1832 {p.276}

Wharncliffe got Lord Grey to put off the second reading for a few
days on account of the Quarter Sessions, which drew down a
precious attack from Londonderry, and was in fact very foolish and
unnecessary, as it looks like a concert between them, of which it
is very desirable to avoid any appearance, as in fact none exists.
The violence of the Tories continues unabated, and there is no
effort they do not make to secure a majority, and they expect
either to succeed or to bring it to a near thing. In the meantime
the tone of the other party is changed. Dover, who makes lists,
manages proxies, and does all the little jobbing, whipping-in,
busy work of the party, makes out a clear majority, and told me he
now thought the Bill would get through without Peers. The
Government, however, are all agreed to make the Peers if it turns
out to be necessary, and especially if the Bill should be thrown
out, it seems clear that they would by no means go out, but make
the Peers and bring it in again; so I gather from Richmond, and he
who was the most violently opposed of the whole Cabinet to
Peer-making, is now ready to make any number if necessary. There
is, however, I hope, a disposition to concession, which, if
matters are tolerably well managed, may lead to an arrangement.
Still Wharncliffe, who must have a great deal to do in Committee,
is neither prudent nor popular. The Tories are obstinate, sulky,
and indisposed to agree to anything reasonable. It is the unity of
object and the compactness of the party which give the Government
strength. Charles Wood told me the other day that they were well
disposed to a compromise on two special points, one the exclusion
of town voters from the right of voting for counties, the other
the metropolitan members. On the first he proposed that no man
voting for a town in right of a L10 house should have a vote for
the county in right of any freehold in that town. That would be
half-way between Wharncliffe's plan and the present. The second,
that Marylebone should return two members, and Middlesex two
more--very like Grey's proposition which Harrowby rejected--but I
suggested keeping the whole and vary