ion. It is
here that we join issue not only with doctrinaire liberals, but with
that large body of ordinary common-sense Englishmen who feel a general
and instinctive distrust of all state interference. That distrust, I
would point out, is really an anachronism. It dates from a time when
the state was at once incompetent and unpopular, from the days of
monarchic or aristocratic government carried on frankly in the
interests of particular classes or persons. But the democratic
revolution and the introduction of bureaucracy has swept all that away;
and governments in every civilized country are now moving towards the
ideal of an expert administration controlled by an alert and
intelligent public opinion. Much, it is true, has yet to be done
before that ideal will be realized. In some countries, notably in the
United States, the necessity of the expert has hardly made itself felt.
In others, such as Germany, popular control is very inadequately
provided for. But the tendency is clear; and nowhere clearer than in
this country. Here at any rate we may hopefully look forward to a
continual extension both of the activity and of the intelligence of
public officials; while at the same time, by an appropriate development
of the representative machinery, we may guard ourselves against the
danger of an irresponsible bureaucracy. The problem of reconciling
administrative efficiency with popular control is no doubt a difficult
one; but I feel confident that it can be solved. This perhaps is
hardly the place to develop my favourite idea of the professional
representative; but I may be permitted to refer to it in passing. By a
professional representative I mean one trained in a scientific and
systematic way to elicit the real opinion of his constituents, and to
embody it in practicable proposals. He will have to study what they
really want, not what they think they want, and to discover for himself
in what way it can be obtained. Such men need not be elected; indeed I
am inclined to think that the plan of popular election has had its day.
The essential is that they should be selected by some test of
efficiency, such as examination or previous record, and that they
should keep themselves in constant touch with their constituents. But
I must not dwell upon details. My main object is to show that when
government is in the hands of expert administrators, controlled by
expert representatives, there need be no anxiety felt in e