e
races is still deemed but an experiment. The great mass of the white
races ever have been, and still are, governed by the strong hand of
despotism, or by the more plausible, but ofttimes not less diabolical
power of constitutional sovereignties, or hereditary or revolutionary
oligarchies. It is not, then, so great a disparagement to the African
that he is unfit for freedom, when nine-tenths of the foremost of the
white races, show not the capacity to enjoy it. Certainly, the African
is not their superior. Why, then, demand for him more than is allowed
to the superior white races? If emancipation is to be thought of,
would it not be well to emancipate the white races first?

THE ARGUMENT INVULNERABLE.

I have rested my argument on no antique authority to show the right of
slavery. I have appealed to no religious dogmas to show this right. I
have not even availed myself of the whole tenor of sacred history to
justify it, which has been done heretofore by others, and done in
vain. I have not labored to produce a voluminous collation of other
men's opinions to swell my pages. Sacred history is in the hands of
all, and its teachings need not my endorsement, recommendation, nor
reiteration. Indeed, if the right of slavery here asserted is not
based upon truth, and if it does not commend itself to the unbiased
judgment of my countrymen, then I demand that they discard it. I ask
if the argument here advanced, has been or can be refuted? If it can
be, let it be done fairly, openly, and without circumvention. Let it
be shown that barbarism ought not to subserve civilization. Let it be
shown that civilization is wrong, because it does not conduce to the
well-being and happiness of mankind; let it be shown that barbarism is
right because it does this. Let the apologists and advocates of
barbarism show its equality with civilization. Let it be denied, and
the denial proved, that the laws of universal right and justice hold
true and heaven-derived supremacy over wrong. Let it be shown that the
slave-owner has no legal right of property in his slaves. Or, if it be
admitted that he has such right, let any possible process of
emancipation be pointed out. Will the violent denunciations of
fanaticism induce him to free his slaves? Does the divided sentiment
and feeling evinced in even the division of the churches north and
south, indicate the willingness of the owners to free their slaves? If
not, then by what means are they to be s