h my brother in New York,
much valuable information to Mr. Lincoln at Springfield, Preston King,
Roscoe Conkling, and other leaders of public opinion, in relation to our
strength and resources.[4]

Situated as we were, we naturally desired to know how far Mr. Buchanan's
Cabinet was willing to sustain us. William H. Trescott, of South
Carolina, was Assistant Secretary of State at this time, and frequently
corresponded with his brother, Doctor Trescott, in Charleston. We,
therefore, naturally thought the views of the latter might indirectly
reflect those of the Administration. The doctor was of opinion there
would be no attempt at coercion in case South Carolina seceded, but that
all postal and telegraphic communication would cease, and a man-of-war
be placed outside to collect the revenue. This arrangement would leave
our little force isolated and deserted, to bear the brunt of whatever
might occur.

In October the disunionists became more bitter, but they were not
disposed to be aggressive, as they thought Buchanan could be relied upon
not to take any decisive action against them.

Colonel Gardner would not at this time mount the guns, or take any
precautions whatever. He alleged, with reason, that the work was all
torn to pieces by the engineers; that it was full of debris, and that,
under the circumstances, he was not responsible for any thing that might
happen. We had been promised a considerable number of recruits, but they
were kept back; and we now ascertained that none would be sent until
late in December, after the crisis was over.

In the latter part of the month I became quite unpopular in Charleston;
partly on account of my anti-slavery sentiments, but more especially
because some very offensive articles, written from that city, had
appeared in the Northern papers, and were attributed to me. It seems
that at this very time an abolition correspondent of the _New York
Tribune_ was employed in the office of Rhett's paper, the _Charleston
Mercury_. This man professed to be the most loud-mouthed secessionist of
them all. In conversation with me afterward, he claimed to be the author
of the articles referred to.

In truth, these were days of extraordinary proscription for opinion's
sake. I heard with profound indignation of the case of a poor seamstress
from New York, who had been sent to jail in Charleston simply for
stating that she did not believe in the institution of slavery. On
appealing to the then may