ices should prove of benefit only to her neighbours, if
the advantages of influence and penetration aimed at by William II
under cover of this treaty, should be revealed to Russian patriotism,
Germany may prove to be the party deceived.
If William II is clever it is only because of our lack of cleverness
and foresight. It is because we leave the door open that he is able to
make his way in. Prussian policy is completely lacking in honesty. It
forces an entry by all possible means, keeps listening ears at every
door, and weakens its rivals by the dissensions which it creates,
maintains and fosters.
Neither French influence in Russia, nor Russian influence in France,
has ever made use of such methods of procedure as Germany employs in
both our countries. The unwholesome and dangerous penetration of
reptile influences and of espionage, in all its multitudinous forms,
produce effects on our two allied nations, whose consequences are
impossible to over-estimate. Only an unceasing vigilance against every
one of the foreign intruders, salaried and enlisted in our midst, can
protect Russia and France against their insidious influences. Our
enemies labour to weaken us with the desperation inspired in them by
the dangers which they must face, if only we remain staunch, united and
strong.
Is it generally known that the German subjects of the poorer class who
inhabit Paris, receive an annual subsidy of 100 marks? This amounts to
putting a premium on a form of emigration useful to Germany and
constitutes for us a grave danger. Proof of this is to be found in the
report of a recent meeting of the municipal council at Metz. Instead
of sending back distressed German subjects in France to their own
country, Germany sends them money. The Alsatian newspaper which
affords us this information adds with perfect accuracy: "What would
Germany say if French municipalities were to subsidise officially
Frenchmen living in Berlin?"
April 12, 1894. [2]
I am one of those French people who have hoped, up to the very last
moment, for a continuation of good commercial relations (which means
good political relations) with Italy; I am one of those who first
believed in the possibility of re-establishing a good understanding
under both these headings; but for this very reason I retain a certain
susceptibility and pride which others, less sincere in the pursuit of a
definite reconciliation, certainly do not possess. Sadly I have
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