his cabinet, who had appointed
him. He felt that the administration had injured him; and that the honor
and credit of the United States were compromised by their refusal to
redeem his promises of aid to the French republic, their "ally and
friend." His first and natural impulse was to resign his post, but
alleged patriotic, as well as personal considerations, induced him to
remain. He held the most intimate private relations with the members of
the Committee of Public Safety and other officers of the French
government, and appears to have enjoyed their confidence while he
remained there. But, whether from his undue attachment to the French
republic, his opposition to Jay's treaty, or his mistaken notions of
American interests, Mr. Monroe appears to have done little, after his
correspondence with Mr. Jay, to allay ill feeling toward his country on
the part of the French government. He had been specially instructed,
when sent envoy to France, to explain the views and conduct of the
government of the United States in forming the treaty with England; and
for this purpose ample documents were furnished him. But it appears from
his own letters (published in his defence after his return, in
1796),[105] that he omitted to use them. Uninstructed in the truths
which should have been given them, the French government utterly
misinterpreted the actions and misconceived the views of the United
States; and when informed that the house of representatives would
execute the treaty made by Jay, they became very bitter in their
resentment, and exhibited their animosity by allowing a French privateer
to capture an American merchant-vessel.

Washington and his cabinet were satisfied that the amity between the two
nations would be wholly destroyed, if Mr. Monroe should remain longer in
France, as the accredited representative of his government, and his
recall was resolved upon.[106] To choose a proper person required great
caution, sagacity, and discretion. It was the duty of the president to
make the choice, and to take the responsibility of his appointment, the
Congress not being in session. With great care, after consultation, he
contemplated the character of his contemporaries in public life, and
fixed upon two--John Marshall and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney--either of
whom he considered well fitted for the responsible and delicate station.
Marshall was the first choice, but private considerations compelled him
to decline, when the presid