I stood in calm conference by ourselves in Dr.
Taylor's garden, at a pretty late hour in a serene autumn night, looking
up to the heavens, I directed the discourse to the subject of a future
state. My friend was in a placid and most benignant frame. 'Sir,
(said he,) I do not imagine that all things will be made clear to
us immediately after death, but that the ways of Providence will be
explained to us very gradually.' He talked to me upon this aweful and
delicate question in a gentle tone, and as if afraid to be decisive.

After supper I accompanied him to his apartment, and at my request he
dictated to me an argument in favour of the negro who was then claiming
his liberty, in an action in the Court of Session in Scotland. He had
always been very zealous against slavery in every form, in which I, with
all deference, thought that he discovered 'a zeal without knowledge.'
Upon one occasion, when in company with some very grave men at Oxford,
his toast was, 'Here's to the next insurrection of the negroes in the
West Indies.' His violent prejudice against our West Indian and American
settlers appeared whenever there was an opportunity. Towards the
conclusion of his Taxation no Tyranny, he says, 'how is it that we hear
the loudest YELPS for liberty among the drivers of negroes?'

When I said now to Johnson, that I was afraid I kept him too late up.
'No, Sir, (said he,) I don't care though I sit all night with you.' This
was an animated speech from a man in his sixty-ninth year.

Had I been as attentive not to displease him as I ought to have been,
I know not but this vigil might have been fulfilled; but I unluckily
entered upon the controversy concerning the right of Great-Britain to
tax America, and attempted to argue in favour of our fellow-subjects on
the other side of the Atlantick. I insisted that America might be very
well governed, and made to yield sufficient revenue by the means of
INFLUENCE, as exemplified in Ireland, while the people might be pleased
with the imagination of their participating of the British constitution,
by having a body of representatives, without whose consent money could
not be exacted from them. Johnson could not bear my thus opposing his
avowed opinion, which he had exerted himself with an extreme degree of
heat to enforce; and the violent agitation into which he was thrown,
while answering, or rather reprimanding me, alarmed me so, that I
heartily repented of my having unthinkingly intr