authorized object of the petitioners did not require, on the
slavery existing in our country, are supposed by the holders of
that species of property to lessen the value by weakening the
tenure of it. Those from whom I derive my public station are
known by me to be greatly interested in that species of property,
and to view the matter in that light. It would seem that I might
be chargeable at least with want of candour, if not of fidelity,
were I to make use of a situation in which their confidence has
placed me to become a volunteer in giving a public wound, as they
would deem it, to an interest on which they set so great a value.
I am the less inclined to disregard this scruple as I am not
sensible that the event of the petition would in the least depend
on the circumstance of its being laid before the House by this or
that person.
Such an application as that to our own Assembly, on which you ask
my opinion, is a subject, in various respects, of great delicacy
and importance. The consequences of every sort ought to be well
weighed by those who would hazard it. From the view under which
they present themselves to me, I cannot but consider the
application as likely to do harm rather than good. It may be
worth your own consideration whether it might not produce
successful attempts to withdraw the privilege now allowed to
individuals, of giving freedom to slaves. It would at least be
likely to clog it with a condition that the person freed should
be removed from the country; there being arguments of great force
for such a regulation, and some would concur in it, who, in
general, disapprove of the institution of slavery.
I thank you, sir, for the friendly sentiments you have expressed
towards me, and am, with respect, your obt, humble servt.[5]
TO ROBERT WALSH[6]
MONTPELLIER, Mar. 2d, 1819.
_Dr Sir_,--I received some days ago your letter of Feby 15, in
which you intimate your intention to vindicate our Country
against misrepresentations propagated abroad, and your desire of
information on the subject of negro slavery, of moral character,
of religion, and of education in Virginia, as affected by the
Revolution, and our public Institutions.
The general condition of slaves must
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