istianity. But a belief
that Christianity is useful, and even that it is true, may consist with
a profound conviction of the futility of the philosophy with which it
has been associated. Here again Macaulay is a true Whig. The Whig love
of precedent, the Whig hatred for abstract theories, may consist with a
Tory application. But the true Whig differed from the Tory in adding to
these views an invincible suspicion of parsons. The first Whig battles
were fought against the Church as much as against the King. From the
struggle with Sacheverell down to the struggle for Catholic
emancipation, Toryism and High-Church principles were associated against
Whigs and Dissenters. By that kind of dumb instinct which outruns
reason, the Whig had learnt that there was some occult bond of union
between the claims of a priesthood and the claims of a monarchy. The
old maxim, 'No bishop, no king,' suggested the opposite principle that
you must keep down the clergy if you would limit the monarchy. The
natural interpretation of this prejudice into political theory, is that
the Church is extremely useful as an ally of the constable, but
possesses a most dangerous explosive power if allowed to claim
independent authority. In practice we must resist all claims of the
Church to dictate to the State. In theory we must deny the foundation
upon which such claims can alone be founded. Dogmatism must be
pronounced to be fundamentally irrational. Nobody knows anything about
theology; or what is the same thing, no two people agree. As they don't
agree, they cannot claim to impose their beliefs upon others.

This sentiment comes out curiously in the characteristic Essay just
mentioned. Macaulay says, in reply to Mr. Gladstone, that there is no
more reason for the introduction of religious questions into State
affairs than for introducing them into the affairs of a Canal Company.
He puts his argument with an admirable vigour and clearness which blinds
many readers to the fact that he is begging the question by evading the
real difficulty. If, in fact, Government had as little to do as a Canal
Company with religious opinion, we should have long ago learnt the great
lesson of toleration. But that is just the very _crux_. Can we draw the
line between the spiritual and the secular? Nothing, replies Macaulay,
is easier; and his method has been already indicated. We all agree that
we don't want to be robbed or murdered: we are by no means all agreed
about the