d the
_Freeman_ might do if this open association with a landlord--even
if a friendly landlord--interest took place apparently operated on Mr
Redmond's judgment. Although urged by Mr O'Brien, who made the utmost
allowance for the leader's difficulties, to accept the offer of Lord
Dunraven and his friends for continued co-operation, Mr Redmond
temporised, and the opportunity passed into the limbo of golden
possibilities gone wrong.

When Mr Dillon, in pursuance of his wire to Mr Davitt, returned from
his holiday, he proceeded to make good the threat to be "on the track
of Redmond and O'Brien." He made himself as troublesome as he could
during the Committee stage of the Bill and did his utmost to force its
rejection. He sought to commit the Party to a policy which must have
meant the defeat or withdrawal of the measure. He made vicious
personal attacks upon Lord Dunraven. He did everything in his power to
delay and frustrate the passage of the Bill in Committee. And the most
generous construction that can be placed upon his actions is that he
did all this in support of the theory, which he is known to have
consistently held, that Home Rule should precede the settlement of the
Land Question, or any other Irish question. Notwithstanding Mr
Dillon's criticisms, not then well understood either in the Party or
the country, the Bill at length emerged triumphantly from its ordeal,
with the good will of all parties in Parliament. It should have
created--and it would, if it had only been given a fair chance--a new
heaven and a new earth in Ireland. As far as could be prognosticated
all the omens were favourable. Even the atmosphere of administration,
so important a matter where any Irish Act is concerned, was of the
most auspicious kind. The Lord-Lieutenant was Lord Dudley, who was
immensely popular in Ireland, and who had made public proclamation of
his desire that "Ireland should be governed in accordance with Irish
ideas." Two out of the three Estates Commissioners, in whose hands the
actual administration of the Act lay, were men of whose absolute
impartiality the Nationalist opinion of the country was assured. Sir
Antony MacDonnell was the power in Dublin Castle, and not much likely
to be intimidated by the permanent gang there. All that was required
was that the Irish Party and the United Irish League should agree upon
a broad-based policy for combining the various classes affected to
extract the best possible advantage fro