, whereas every law enacted by them was a covenant
between them; that the one assembly was made sovereign, whereas the
people, who only were sovereign, were such from the beginning, as
appears by the ancient style of their covenants or laws--"The Senate has
resolved, the people have decreed," that a council being made sovereign,
cannot be made such upon conditions, whereas the Decemvirs being a
council that was made sovereign, was made such upon conditions; that all
conditions or covenants making a sovereign being made, are void; whence
it must follow that, the Decemviri being made, were ever after the
lawful government of Rome, and that it was unlawful for the Commonwealth
of Rome to depose the Decemvirs; as also that Cicero, if he wrote
otherwise out of his commonwealth, did not write out of nature. But to
come to others that see more of this balance.

You have Aristotle full of it in divers places, especially where he
says, that "immoderate wealth, as where one man or the few have greater
possessions than the equality or the frame of the commonwealth will
bear, is an occasion of sedition, which ends for the greater part in
monarchy and that for this cause the ostracism has been received in
divers places, as in Argos and Athens. But that it were better to
prevent the growth in the beginning, than, when it has got head, to seek
the remedy of such an evil."

Machiavel has missed it very narrowly and more dangerously for not fully
perceiving that if a commonwealth be galled by the gentry it is by their
overbalance, he speaks of the gentry as hostile to popular governments,
and of popular governments as hostile to the gentry; and makes us
believe that the people in such are so enraged against them, that where
they meet a gentleman they kill him: which can never be proved by any
one example, unless in civil war, seeing that even in Switzerland the
gentry are not only safe, but in honor. But the balance, as I have laid
it down, though unseen by Machiavel, is that which interprets him, and
that which he confirms by his judgment in many others as well as in
this place, where he concludes, "That he who will go about to make a
commonwealth where there be many gentlemen, unless he first destroys
them, undertakes an impossibility. And that he who goes about to
introduce monarchy where the condition of the people is equal, shall
never bring it to pass, unless he cull out such of them as are the most
turbulent and ambitious, and m