ere. But if Mr. Lincoln had acted otherwise, there would
have been absent from our history and literature Webster's
Reply to Hayne, the support of Jackson in the day of Nullification,
the debate with Calhoun including the speech, "The Constitution
not a Compact between Sovereign States," and the powerful
attack on Jackson's assertion of power in the removal of the
deposits. The speech on the President's Protest, with the
wonderful passage describing the power of England, would not
have been made.
If the sentiment of Patriotism, and love of Liberty and Union
are to be dominant in this Republic, we cannot measure the
value of the influence of Daniel Webster and the speech in
reply to Hayne. I am not sure that, without Mr. Webster's
powerful championship of the side which prevailed, Mr. Calhoun's
theory would not have become established. At any rate, it
was the fortune of Daniel Webster that the doctrine of National
Unity, whenever it has prevailed in the hearts of his countrymen,
has been supported by his argument and clothed in his language.
Another incident of the same kind, not of like importance
to those of which I have told, but still of a good deal of
interest and importance, happened more lately. I had a good
deal to do with it myself.
When President Hayes entered upon office, there were but three
members of the Senate of either party who were supporters
of his Administration. I was one of them. The other two
were my colleague, Mr. Dawes, and Stanley Matthews of Ohio.
President Hayes was, in my opinion, a very wise and able and
upright man. It was an admirable Administration. He had
a strong and excellent Cabinet. But his nomination had disappointed
the ambitions of some very influential men in his own party,
and the powerful factions of which they were the leaders and
candidates. The opposing party had not only felt the usual
disappointment in defeat, but denied the lawfulness of his
election. So I was more familiar than would ordinarily have
been likely to have been the case with all the councils of
his Administration. The Secretary of State was my near kinsman,
and the Attorney-General had been my law partner.
When the vacancy occurred in the English mission by the resignation
of Mr. John Welsh, I very strongly urged the appointment of
Mr. Lowell. Mr. Evarts was quite unwilling to select Mr.
Lowell, and in deference to his wishes, President Hayes offered
the place to several other perso
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