s as much as the English; for
now that all restriction is nominally taken off, there are as many
newspapers circulated in France in proportion to its population, as
there are in England.

The appetite for news is, in truth, universal; but is naturally
disappointed, rather than bounded, by the ability to read. Hence it is
that the circulation of newspapers is proportioned in various countries
to the spread of letters; and if their sale is proportionately less in
this empire, than it is among better taught populations, it is because
there exist among us fewer persons who are able to read them;--either at
all, or so imperfectly, that attempts to spell them give the tyro more
pain than pleasure. In America, where a system of national education has
made a nation of readers (whose taste is perhaps susceptible of vast
improvement, but who are readers still) the sale of newspapers greatly
exceeds that of Great Britain. All over the continent there are also
more newspaper _readers_, in proportion to the number of people, though
perhaps, fewer buyers, from the facilities afforded by coffee-houses and
reading-rooms, which all frequent. In support of this fact, we need go
no farther than the three kingdoms. Scotland--where national education
has largely given the ability to read--a population of three millions
demands yearly from the Stamp Office seven and a half millions of
stamps; while in Ireland, where national education has had no time for
development, eight millions of people take half a million of stamps
_less_ than Scotland.

Although it can not be said that the appetite for mere news is one of an
elevated character; yet as we have before hinted, the dissemination of
news takes place side by side with some of the most sound, practical,
and ennobling sentiments and precepts that issue from any other channels
of the press. As an engine of public liberty, the newspaper press is
more effectual than the Magna Charta, because its powers are wielded
with more ease, and exercised with more promptitude and adaptiveness to
each particular case.

Mr. F. K. Hunt in his "Fourth Estate" remarks, "The moral of the history
of the press seems to be, that when any large proportion of a people
have been taught to read, and when upon this possession of the tools of
knowledge, there has grown up a habit of perusing public prints, the
state is virtually powerless if it attempts to check the press. James
the Second in old times, and Charles th