to frame its constitution
for itself. But in almost every act of his government after he reached
Paris, he furnished additional evidence how imperfectly his mind had
divested itself of the ancient maxims. Even the edict, emancipating the
press from all control, was an assumption on his part of the complete
power of legislation. The same might be said of another decree,
abolishing negro slavery and the slave trade, which he published shortly
after: but this second measure exposed him to other comments. Who could
seriously believe that at that moment of tumult, ere France was even in
semblance entirely his, and while all Europe was openly arming against
him, he had leisure for the affairs of the negroes? This display of
philanthropy was set down universally for a stage-trick; and men
quickened their eyes, lest such unsubstantial shows in the distant
horizon might be designed to withdraw their attention from the
foreground.

The great assemblage of _Champ-de-Mai_ had been originally announced for
the 10th of May; and its principal business as the formation of a new
constitution. The meeting did not take place so early, and the task of
proposing a constitutional scheme for its consideration, proved far more
difficult than the Emperor had contemplated. He had the assistance, in
this labour, of Carnot and Sieyes, whose names would have carried great
weight with the republican party--had not both of these old jacobins and
regicides accepted, on entering the Emperor's service, high rank in his
peerage--a proceeding in direct violation of all the professions of
their lives. He was further favoured with the aid of his brother Lucien,
who, in spite of all previous misunderstandings, returned on this
occasion to Paris; influenced, probably, by the same egregious vanity
which made him fancy himself a poet, and hoping, under existing
circumstances, to impress Napoleon with such a sense of his value as
might secure him henceforth a commanding influence in the government of
France. The Abbe Sieyes, and Lucien also, had had some experience ere
now of Napoleon in the character of a constitution-maker. He was no
longer so powerful as he had been when they formerly toiled together
upon such a task: disputes arose; and the Emperor, to cut these short,
and give a decisive proof of his regard for freedom of debate, soon
broke up the discussion, retired from the Tuileries to the small palace
called the Elysee, and there drew up the scheme whic